DeLay is a man of consequence

Tony Blankley:

A couple of days ago, Tom DeLay announced he would resign his Texas seat in Congress by June. His announced departure from office has induced the normal Washington hypocrisies. Democrats express delight but are actually disappointed, as his Texas congressional seat is more likely to now stay Republican and they won't have Tom DeLay to kick around any more.
Republicans express sorrow, but are actually relieved not to have him as an albatross around their party neck. And as someone who has crossed paths (and sometimes swords) with Tom ever since I started as Newt Gingrich's press secretary in 1990, I am of mixed feelings.
I first met him in early 1990, just after Newt had been elected Republican minority whip in the House of Representative. Tom had been doing the vote counting for Newt's opponent, Illinois congressman Ed Madigan — the candidate of the old Republican House establishment. Newt was — as always — the insurgent candidate.
Tom DeLay had come to make up with Newt after picking the losing side. Tom offered his loyalty in good faith, and Newt accepted it in good faith. They had never been close, but they were both smart conservative congressmen with common policy and party goals. Tom became an invaluable political ally and warrior for the Newt-led insurgent House Republicans.
Five years later, when Newt was sworn in as Speaker of the House, Tom DeLay became the majority whip and a vital part of the successful election and legislative team that emerged in 1994. But Tom was an ally, not a subordinate of Newt's. He was his own free-standing political force, and inevitably rode his own course — sometimes along Newt's path, sometimes not.

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Politics is a necessarily tough business, and it is exceedingly rare that a party leadership post is given out of gratitude for past services rendered to the party. Whether it was Maggie Thatcher being thrown over as Tory Party leader and prime minister, Newt being forced out as speaker, or now Tom DeLay being shown the exit, parties have every right, and indeed a duty to their constituents, to mercilessly shed no longer useful leaders.
Even the immortal Winston Churchill was shown no gratitude by the British electorate after he had led them to victory in World War II and was then summarily defeated at the polls.
It became evident earlier this year that Tom DeLay's time had come. Although he had been arguably the most able floor manager since Lyndon Johnson in the Senate in the 1950s, allegations fair or unfair undercut his capacity to further lead.

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